My Life After Prison

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Louisiana

Today’s The Day … For Jessie

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Execution Day Protocol…

FILE – Vehicles enter at the main security gate at the Louisiana State Penitentiary — the Angola Prison, the largest high-security prison in the country in Angola, La., Aug. 5, 2008. (AP Photo/Judi Bottoni, File)

In about 8 hours, 4 big men, strong and barrel-chested – chosen for this task and having trained on it for hours and hours for several weeks – will enter through a barred gate, open a small cell door, and shackle and manacle a man. They will walk, or carry, him out the cell and through that gate, turn to their left and pass through two locked steel doors, pass through a lobby where hangs a large oil painting of a chariot aiming for the heavens, and through another steel door. They will pass a number of gathered officials, enter into a small windowless room where there is a gurney.

There is a pair of phones hanging on the wall, and a microphone. He will be placed on the gurney, given a moment to speak a few words. They will then fit a clear mask over his face, tightening the straps on his chin. There will be a silent, solemn nod, and the man on the gurney will be suffocated with nitrogen gas.

It is a torturous process, lasting about 5-6 minutes while he struggles to breathe, wrists and feet straining against the thick leather straps restraining his limbs to the gurney. When sufficient time has elapsed and there is no more movement from the man, a medical person will enter the room, place a stethoscope to his chest, listen closely, and pronounce him dead.

An ambulance will already be parked outside the back steel door, and he will be rolled out and placed in the vehicle. They will drive to the REBTC Treatment Center and his body will be placed into a steel refrigerated drawer marked “MORGUE”. HIS suffering will at last be over. The only suffering left will be of his friends, his loved ones, and the attorneys who have fought valiantly to save his life.

And, the “right-to-life” state where it is mandated that the Ten Commandments be placed in every school classroom – the Sixth Commandment, specifically – will have purposely murdered a man by taking the same gift of breath given to him by the very God that they so loudly proclaim to be their guide.

And those people who did this will go home and go to eat supper, have a couple drinks, and get a night’s rest.

Forgive us, because we should not be capable of doing this.

NOTE

NOTE: This post was originally posted on March 18, 2025, prior to Jessie’s execution by nitrogen gas. I just never had the opportunity to update all of the places my writing is available. You can find my writing on my Substack or on my other website at FREEDOM-CHANNEL.

If you like my work, and appreciate it, please note that donations are greatly appreciated.

A New Era for Executions in Louisiana

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The Advent of Nitrogen Gas Hypoxia

The execution gurney and a mask used for the nitrogen gas

Gerald Bordelon expe­dit­ed his own exe­cu­tion by choos­ing to waive his appeals, includ­ing his direct appeal, which was pre­vi­ous­ly thought to be a manda­to­ry part of the state’s death penal­ty process. Bordelon vol­un­teered for exe­cu­tion after he was found guilty of rap­ing and mur­der­ing his 12-year-old step­daugh­ter. The choice to waive his appeals was met with strong dis­agree­ment from his team of inmate coun­sels (pris­on­ers who serve as attor­ney sub­sti­tutes), who jointly decid­ed that they would not assist him in his decision. Bordelon was rep­re­sent­ed in his desire to be exe­cut­ed by a fairly well-renowned con­sti­tu­tion­al law attor­ney from Baton Rouge, Jill Craft. She suc­ceed­ed in hav­ing the court allow Bordelon to waive his appeals, but lat­er said she “would nev­er do it again. “

Bordelon told media sources why he vol­un­teered for his exe­cu­tion: ​“I’m doing this for [the vic­tim] Courtney. I’m doing it for her fam­i­ly. I’m doing it for me. I’m doing it for my fam­i­ly so they don’t have to wor­ry and deal with it for the next 20 or 30 years. I’m doing it for a lot of reasons.”

On January 7, 2010, Gerald Bordelon was executed via lethal injection at Angola. He was one of three people executed in the United States on that same day. The others were Vernon Lamont Smith in Ohio and Kenneth Mosley in Texas. They were the first three people to be executed in the United States in 2010. The executions of three or more people within a single day is something that has not occurred in the United States since.

In Bordelon’s last statement, he apologized to LeBlanc’s family as well as his own. His last meal was fried sac-a-lait fish, topped with crawfish étouffée, a peanut butter and apple jelly sandwich, and chocolate chip cookies. He was pronounced dead at 6:32 pm.

As of this writing, Bordelon remains the last person executed in Louisiana, which has gone over fourteen years without an execution. He is also the only person to have been executed in Louisiana since 2002, when Leslie Dale Martin was executed for murder.

Due to a 2012 lawsuit challenging Louisiana’s lethal injection protocol and drug companies not wanting their products associated with capital punishment, Louisiana has been unable to carry out executions, despite capital punishment still being a legal penalty.

Despite remaining a legal penalty, there have been no executions in Louisiana since 2010, and no involuntary executions since 2002. Execution protocols are tied up in litigation due to a 2012 lawsuit challenging Louisiana’s lethal injection procedures. In addition, certain pharmaceutical companies and manufacturers do not want their products associated with capital punishment, meaning the state has been unable to obtain lethal injection drugs. Despite this, a 2018 survey by the Louisiana State University found that the majority of Louisiana citizens still support capital punishment.

On March 5, 2024, Governor Jeff Landry signed a law allowing executions to be carried out via nitrogen gas and electrocution. The law has opened the door for Louisiana to resume capital punishment after a fourteen-year hiatus.

No more is there a “liberal” decision on what is appropriate punishment or humane. So a new era is beginning in Louisiana, one of anger and hatred and – for lack of a better term – revenge, and simple political expediency. Landry campaigned on a promise to “get tough on crime,” even though crime had been on a steadily declining path for several years. The problem is that New Orleans has a fairly high profile and when anything happens there, it gets highly magnified. People ignored what was actually happening, a lot of people did not vote, and Landry won. Like Trump, Landry claims that a “mandate from the people” propelled him into office, when nothing could be further from the truth.

In the 2023 Louisiana gubernatorial election held on October 14, 2023, Jeff Landry secured the governorship by winning 51.56% of the vote, totaling 547,827 votes. His closest competitor, Democrat Shawn Wilson, received 25.93% of the vote, amounting to 275,525 votes.

Voter turnout for this election was notably low, with only about 36% of registered voters casting ballots—the lowest for a Louisiana gubernatorial primary since 2011. Given the state’s 2,970,167 registered voters, this means that approximately 18% of the total electorate voted for Landry.

While Landry achieved a majority in the primary, allowing him to avoid a runoff, the low voter turnout indicates that a significant portion of the electorate did not participate in the election. Therefore, his victory margin reflects both his support among active voters and the broader context of limited electoral engagement.

So, his election was hardly a “mandate,” but Louisiana’s largely conservative “Bible Belt” reputation strongly supports him. That fact is reflected in him holding a super-majority in both houses of government. He used this to great effect when, within days of taking office, he instituted a complete reversal of all criminal justice reform gains made during the terms of his predecessor, John Bel Edwards.

New methods of execution, legislation authorizing treatment of 17-year-olds as adults, elimination of parole for prisoners, and a vast reshaping of the entire criminal justice system were accomplished within weeks in “Special Sessions” of the legislature. He very publicly announced that he was creating a new State Police Troop to be based in New Orleans that would assist the notoriously corrupt NOPD in fighting crime in the city.

Within weeks, the new Troop was responsible for three separate car chases that resulted in four crashes. These incidents led to multiple arrests and the confiscation of various drugs and firearms. In at least one of those chases, an innocent bystander was injured.“

As far as the promised results, violent crime in New Orleans actually increased in the months ahead. Homicides increased, armed robberies increased, and a horrible homegrown terrorist attack occurred in New Orleans’ famed French Quarter, about a month shy of the city hosting the Super Bowl. Landry created a bit of a stir with his court-challenged uprooting of the city’s homeless population and placing them in an “emergency shelter,” and in the process destroying most of their personal property while promising to implement programs designed to get people off the streets and into residential housing.

So the Super Bowl came and went – and my Chiefs LOST! – and things pretty much returned to normal. Louisiana went right back to figuring out the quickest and best way to efficiently kill someone.

We are now less than a week from Jessie Hoffman’s execution date of March 18th, 2025. Although court challenges are in the works, it remains to be seen whether the date will be met, and what sense of pride Jeff Landry and Attorney General Liz Murrill will exhibit following the intentional killing of a man. Both Landry and Murrill have said that they are “honoring promises made to the victims and their families.” I think they are only creating more victims.

The federal district court in Baton Rouge, Middle District of Louisiana Judge Shelly Dick, has granted an injunction halting (or at the very least, slowing) the execution, and in the ruling, said,

CONCLUSION

Considering the foregoing, Plaintiff’s Motion to Reconsider the Court’s Denial of his RLUIPA Claim (Count VI) shall be DENIED. Plaintiff’s Motion for Preliminary Injunction shall be GRANTED on the Eighth Amendment claim, and Defendants are enjoined from executing Jessie Hoffman on March 18, 2025, using nitrogen hypoxia. Plaintiff’s Motion for Preliminary Injunction is DENIED as to Counts III and IV.

March

Baton Rouge, Louisiana, this 11th ___ day of _______________, 2025.

S

________________________________

SHELLY D. DICK

CHIEF DISTRICT JUDGE

MIDDLE DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA

I pray for Jessie Hoffman, as I hope you do as well. He has asked that he be executed via firing squad, due to the lack of prolonged suffering. He will simply be wiped out of existence, like some terrible substance on the bottom of Jeff Landry’s shoes and Liz Murrill’s heels, and not drowned with fluids filling his lungs and prolonged suffering. After all, isn’t this what you wanted, Louisiana? Oh, I see. You didn’t vote. Well, then you couldn’t care.

Sleep safe tonight, Jessie Hoffman.

NOTE: This post was originally posted on March 14, 2025, prior to Jessie’s execution by nitrogen gas. I just never had the opportunity to update all of the places my writing is available. You can find my writing on my Substack or on my other website at MyLifeAfterPrison.

If you like my work, and appreciate it, please note that donations are greatly appreciated.

The Louisiana Legislature…

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Help is NOT on the way.

From the moment Jeff Landry took the oath of office, Louisiana has experienced a barrage of initiatives that, for many, signal not just a new approach to governance but also a definitive departure from past practices. Whereas Governor John Bel Edwards was seen as a reformer and a bearer of good change, Landry has from the outset seemed to be a bearer of bad tidings.

Landry made it very clear from the outset that he wanted to do a massive rollback of all of the reforms to the criminal justice system that had take place under Edwards’ administration, ALL of which were done under the label of bipartisanship. At the time of their introduction, testimony, evidence and support was presented by many in the community, and strong voices for advocacy were heard by all of the committees. Evidence was presented to the committees, statistics were given, and in the end, both parties agreed that the changes were needed. Edwards wasted no time in signing the bills, and they became law.

With Landry’s advent upon the scene, he wasted no time in undoing ALL of it. Remember, though, that Landry came into office with only a fraction of the state’s voting populace. Records show that AG Jeff Landry won the governor’s office with 547,827 votes. Louisiana has 2,970,167 registered voters – meaning that Landry was elected by getting support from 18 percent of the state’s voters.

Unofficial turnout was 35.8 percent, records at the Secretary of State show. That’s the lowest turnout number since 1999, which is the earliest figures on the SOS website. The election that came closest, in 2011, was 37.4 percent turnout when incumbent Bobby Jindal ran for re-election with no significant challenge.

If you look at how many eligible voters there are, Landry’s percent drops even more. It’s estimated that there are 3,463,372 people in Louisiana who are eligible to vote. His 547,827 votes are only 16 percent of that number.

So, Landry clearly DID NOT come into office with anything approaching a mandate from “the people”. 18% of a state’s voting base is nowhere near a mandate. Yet his voice is strident as he basically tells voters that, “If you don’t like it, go!”

And, indeed, that’s what people are doing – going. The tone in Louisiana is “I’d better get out of here now, because they’ll come after me next.” And, Landry makes no bones that he and the legislature are going to do exactly that.

Just in the past few weeks, the legislature has taken strong and strident steps, blocking virtually all input from the public on major legislation. Just recently, they’ve done the following:

The new laws fulfill Landry’s campaign promises and mark a big win early in his term. They reverse some criminal justice policies from the previous governor, Edwards, aiming to cut costs by jailing fewer people. This shift puts funding for victim services at risk.

ACTIONS BY THE LEGISLATURE

How much will Gov. Jeff Landry’s criminal justice changes cost? State officials can’t say.

Governor Jeff Landry’s criminal justice package in Louisiana has raised questions about its cost. Here are the key points:

wiDeath Penalty:

  • Proposal: Governor Landry sought to resume death row executions after a 14-year pause.
  • Legislature’s Response: They passed a bill that adds nitrogen gas and electrocution as execution methods.
  • Outcome: Governor Landry signed the bill expanding execution methods.
  1. Juvenile Offenders:
    • Proposal: Measures to address violent carjackings, shootings, and homicides committed by youths.
    • Legislature’s Response:
      • A bill treating all 17-year-olds charged with crimes as adults (a rollback of the state’s “Raise the Age” law).
      • A law making certain juvenile criminal records public.
    • Outcome: Both bills related to juvenile offenders were signed into law.
  2. Parole:
    • Proposal: Sweeping changes to determine how long certain incarcerated people remain in prison and when, or if, they would be allowed a second chance at freedom.
    • Legislature’s Response:
      • A bill that effectively eliminates parole for anyone convicted after August 1, with few exceptions.
      • A bill that reduces the amount of “good time credit” that prisoners can accumulate.
    • Outcome: Both bills related to parole were signed into law.

The cost estimates for these proposals have not been released by the Legislature’s financial analysts. Republican lawmakers argue that safety outweighs costs, emphasizing the need for public safety even thout precise expense figures.

Summary: Governor Landry’s crime bills cover execution methods, juvenile offenders, and parole. While the cost remains uncertain, lawmakers prioritize safety over expenses.

The impact of Governor Landry’s crime legislation during the special session appears to be substantial, especially considering Louisiana’s existing budget challenges. Here are the key points:

  1. Lengthening Prison Sentences:
    • Governor Landry supports proposals to extend prison sentences, making it tougher for incarcerated individuals to be released.
    • These measures are likely to increase Louisiana’s inmate population and result in additional costs for the state over the long term.
  2. Budget Implications:
    • Thirteen of Landry’s criminal justice bills would contribute to state spending, as indicated by fiscal notes attached to the legislation.
    • Budget analysts have labeled these items as causing an “indeterminable increase” in the state’s financial obligations.
  3. Expensive Measures:
    • Bills aimed at lengthening prison sentences for carjacking, increasing penalties for illegal weapon use, and significantly reducing parole are particularly costly.
    • The prison system’s expenses could potentially grow by more than $11 million each per year if the harshest sentences are consistently imposed, according to analysts.

It’s essential to weigh the impact on public safety against the financial burden when considering these tough-on-crime measures.

‘We will find a way…’

Certainly, the debate over the cost of Governor Landry’s crime legislation is a critical aspect. Here are the key points:

  • Republican Perspective:
    • Republicans supporting the legislation argue that the costs are justified because public safety is of utmost importance.
    • Representative Debbie Villio, a former prosecutor and sponsor of legislation to eliminate most parole, acknowledges that this isn’t necessarily a fiscally responsible bill but emphasizes the priority of safety.
  • Budget Implications:
    • The expenses associated with these measures could potentially exacerbate future state budget gaps.
    • Louisiana is projected to face annual financial shortfalls exceeding half a billion dollars starting in 2025.
    • The expiration of a 0.45% portion of the state sales tax next year will leave the state financially strained.
    • Governor Landry’s additional public safety spending will contribute to widening those budget holes.
  • Other Measures:
    • Governor Landry’s plan to add a state police troop in New Orleans is estimated to cost $10 million over the next four months.
    • Senate President Pro Tempore Regina Barrow raises a valid question: Where will the funding come from?

Balancing public safety with fiscal responsibility remains a critical challenge for policymakers in Louisiana.

GOP cutbacks

Over the past year, Republicans have been willing to pick over several other budget proposals in the name of fiscal responsibility. 

Due to the planned sales tax cut next year, Landry and GOP lawmakers have said they don’t think the state can afford to give public school teachers a permanent raise.

The governor stripped funding for several programs, including domestic violence shelters, from his first state budget proposal in an effort to cut public spending. He also issued an executive order last month directing state agency heads to look for savings and budget cuts within their own departments.  

The governor’s own public safety bills haven’t been subjected to the same scrutiny. 

“I haven’t seen that [cash] machine yet, but we’ve got some money coming from somewhere,” Sen. Gerald Boudreaux, D-Lafayette, joked last week during a discussion of the financial impact of Landry’s crime legislation. “I don’t want to get to the point where we ignore the fiscal part of these plans.”

Lawmakers are moving the governor’s public safety bills so fast that the fiscal analyses of proposals haven’t even been completed. Good government doesn’t act, react, or respond in this manner.

Legislative staff are still waiting on information from the Department of Public Safety and Corrections, the Louisiana Sheriffs Association and the Louisiana District Attorneys Association to finish financial impact reports for nine bills, according to their notes. 

THE MONEY HAS TO COME FROM SOMEWHERE…

Despite the lack of concrete data, the legislation continues to advance. The proposals were poised for final votes by the end of the week. Scott Peyton, director of Right on Crime, a conservative organization advocating for less incarceration, observes that conservatives, especially concerning public safety, are often willing to issue a blank check. That check may bounce, says the author, who has 47 years of experience behind the bars of Angola.

Some Republican lawmakers anticipate that the financial impact of lengthening prison sentences may not be as severe as the legislative analyses suggest. Their argument is that more severe sentencing should act as a deterrent, dissuading individuals from committing crimes and ending up in prison. The author says he can’t think of a single person who actually stopped and thought about the ultimate consequences of their decision to commit a crime.

However, studies paint a different picture. Over the past two decades, 19 states (including Texas and Mississippi) have successfully lowered their prison populations and crime rates by investing in rehabilitative programs for formerly incarcerated individuals and exploring prison alternatives. Research consistently shows that higher incarceration rates do not necessarily correlate with lower violent crime rates.

Louisiana’s history reflects this struggle. Despite decades of adopting a tough-on-crime approach, the state continued to grapple with one of the country’s highest crime rates. Balancing public safety and fiscal responsibility remains a complex challenge for policymakers.

Former Governor John Bel Edwards took a different approach in 2017, working alongside state lawmakers to reduce prison sentences and expand parole and probation opportunities. This bipartisan strategy resulted in significant savings on incarceration expenses over seven years, while also allocating funds toward crime prevention programs and victim services.

However, Governor Landry attributes the spike in violent crime during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021 to Edwards’ criminal justice overhaul. Republicans share concerns about ongoing issues with teenagers in the juvenile justice system, including destruction and escapes from state facilities across Louisiana.

Senator Heather Cloud, a supporter of Landry’s criminal justice package, emphasizes that while discussions often focus on the financial costs of these bills, investing in them ultimately translates to saving lives.

IN CONTRAST, LOOK AT EDWARDS’ APPROACH TO CRIME

Former Governor John Bel Edwards implemented several key strategies that contributed to cost savings in Louisiana’s criminal justice system:

  1. Reduced Prison Sentences:
    • Edwards worked with state lawmakers to shorten prison sentences for certain offenses.
    • By reducing the length of incarceration, the state saved on expenses related to housing, food, and medical care for inmates.
  2. Expanded Parole and Probation Opportunities:
    • The bipartisan approach allowed for more individuals to be eligible for parole and probation.
    • This shift helped decrease the prison population and, consequently, the associated costs.
  3. Investment in Crime Prevention Programs:
    • Instead of solely focusing on punitive measures, Edwards allocated resources to rehabilitative programs.
    • These programs aimed to address the root causes of criminal behavior, reducing recidivism and long-term incarceration costs.
  4. Victim Services:
    • Edwards prioritized funding for victim services, providing support to those affected by crime.
    • By assisting victims, the state aimed to prevent future criminal activity and promote community safety.

Overall, Edwards’ approach emphasized a balance between public safety and fiscal responsibility, resulting in significant savings while maintaining a focus on rehabilitation and prevention.

PHOTO GOES HERE

While Landry has clearly stated and shown his intention to impose harsher penalties, he is also making extensive moves to block prisoners from gathering information to pursue post-conviction relief from their convictions.

Not only is he attempting to shield his office and most state agencies’ records from public inspection, he has made explicit moves to specifically block prisoners from obtaining hidden files, say from prosecutors who may have hidden the information before/during trial, or medical examiners who may have records relating to the case. Another layer of bureaucracy to wade through. An excerpt of the proposed statute is below.

Landry Is Doing ANYTHING to hide his files from public view, and especially from prisoners who they might FREE.

A database created in Louisiana in 2015 to help track the certifications of police officers has failed to keep cops convicted of crimes off police departments in the state. THE APPEAL/INVISIBLE INSTITUTE THE MARSHALL PROJECT IN Context: Police recruiters have a few questions. THE MARSHALL PROJECT

The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), administered by the US Census Bureau under the Department of Commerce, provides valuable insights into criminal victimization. Here are some key points based on the NCVS:

  1. Frequency of Crime Victimization:
  2. Information Collected: For each victimization incident, the NCVS gathers information about:
    • The offender, including age, race, sex, and victim-offender relationship.
    • Characteristics of the crime, such as time and place of occurrence, use of weapons, injuries sustained by the victim, and economic consequences.
    • Whether the crime was reported to the police.
    • Reasons for reporting or not reporting the crime.
    • Victim experiences with the criminal justice system1.
  3. Historical Context:

While the NCVS provides valuable data, it’s essential to recognize that victim preferences and needs can vary significantly. Policymakers must consider a range of perspectives when addressing crime prevention and victim services

Most victims of crime express a desire for fairer penalties rather than excessively harsh ones. While it’s essential to hold offenders accountable, research shows that overly severe punishments may not necessarily enhance public safety or address the needs of victims12. Striking a balance between justice, rehabilitation, and victim support remains a complex challenge for policymakers.

According to REASON.COM:

Two recent reports from the U.S. Sentencing Commission (USSC) shed light on the legal treatment of sex offenders and further undermine the prevailing assumption that all members of that broad class pose similar threats to public safety. That assumption, which underlies both harsh punishments and indiscriminate registration requirements, is demonstrably wrong.

Harsher sentences for those who commit sexual assaults are not the solution to the prevalence of these crimes, according to a paper published in the Southwestern University Law Review.

“While it is more or less assumed that longer sentences mean more justice, the reality is much more complicated and nuanced to the extent that our conception of justice is concerned with effectively preventing sexual harm and holding people accountable for that harm,” wrote Guy Hamilton-Smith, a Legal Fellow at the Sex Offense Litigation and Policy Resource Center at the Mitchell Hamline School of Law.

Louisiana is not alone in efforts to tighten restrictions on prisoners seeking relief from wrongful convictions. New York has recently deprived its prisoners

New York Gov. Kathy Hochul vetoed a bill just before Christmas that would have made it easier for people who have pleaded guilty to crimes to challenge their convictions, Maysoon Kahn reports for the Associated Press. The bill would have expanded the types of evidence that could be considered proof of innocence, including video footage or evidence of someone else confessing to a crime and would have allowed consideration for arguments that a person was coerced into a false guilty plea.

Under existing state law, criminal defendants who plead guilty are usually barred from trying to get their cases reopened based on a new claim of innocence, except in certain circumstances involving new DNA evidence. Prosecutors and advocates for crime victims warned the bill would have opened the floodgates to endless, frivolous legal appeals by the guilty. State Senator Zellnor Myrie, a New York City Democrat who sponsored the bill, said he is considering reintroducing the bill in the next legislative session to give innocent people a “fair chance to reverse a terrible wrong.”

Just because all Americans are supposed to get their day in court doesn’t mean they get justice. But thanks to DNA testing, higher societal awareness and more prosecutorial accountability, the tide is turning from widespread incarceration to freedom and exoneration for wrongly imprisoned persons.

The National Registry of Exonerations found that Texas, despite having some of the toughest laws on crime, led the nation with 363 exonerations in the last 30 years. Other top states based on total numbers of exonerations were Illinois, New York, and California. In Louisiana, which had 63 exonerations in that period, New Orleans is said to be the wrongful conviction capital of the U.S.

Being exonerated of a crime following conviction, of course, does not guarantee that the person will be compensated for all the years stolen from their lives. Louisiana ranks very high in the number of exonerations per 100,000 citizens.  (63)  They also rank very low in cash compensation to wrongfully convicted and exonerated individuals.

In theory, Louisiana provides compensation to exonerees for their wrongful imprisonment. In practice, however, this very seldom happens.

Often, prisoners who are exonerated after DECADES behind bars are never compensated, and sometimes die before ever being understood by the society that wrongfully convicted him/her.

4 eji.org

Louisiana is notorious for this type of action. Failures of the justice system lead to failures of society as a whole. When the system fails, we all fail. When it works, it is often too late.

Political color map of Louisiana, USA federal state. Highly detailed map of Southern American region with territory borders and counties names labeled vector illustration

13 SENTENCED IN ANGOLA DRUG CASE – 1 INMATE KILLED

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Problems continue at Angola State Penitentiary (“Angola”)

Here’s what I know about the 13 people sentenced at Angola Prison for drug smuggling:

  • Number of People: 13 (inmates, former guards, and others)
  • Crime: Conspiracy to distribute drugs (cocaine, heroin, marijuana, and methamphetamine) between February 2017 and May 2019 at Louisiana State Penitentiary (Angola) and elsewhere.
  • Sentences: Ranged from 4 to 16 years in federal prison.
  • Method: Involved correctional officers and other prison staff.
  • Source: U.S. Department of Justice Press Release

Who indeed, where are the drugs coming from? The prison and Department of Corrections spokesman Ken Pastornek have long told the public that the inmates’ families are the source of almost ALL contraband introduced to the prison. However, when the prison closed due to the COVID-19 pandemic, contraband continued, drug overdoses continued, and drug seizures continued.

As of today, 13 individuals involved in a drug smuggling operation at Angola Prison have been sentenced as part of ongoing efforts to combat illegal activities within the facility. The sentences range from 4 years to 16 years, reflecting the severity of their actions and highlighting the commitment to upholding the law and ensuring the safety and security of both inmates and staff.

Drug smuggling operations not only pose serious risks within the prison system but also contribute to larger issues such as violence, addiction, and compromised rehabilitation efforts. By holding those responsible accountable for their actions, authorities aim to send a strong message that such behavior will not be tolerated and will be met with serious consequences.

These sentences serve as a reminder of the importance of maintaining a secure and rehabilitative environment within correctional facilities. While the individuals involved in this operation have received their sentences, it is imperative to continue addressing root causes and implementing measures to prevent similar incidents in the future.

In a news release Monday, U.S. Attorney Ronald Gathe Jr. of Louisiana’s Middle District said Chief U.S. District Judge Shelly D. Dick handed down the sentences to nine people from Louisiana, three from California and one from Mississippi. The drugs sold included cocaine, heroin, marijuana and methamphetamine. He said suppliers were in East Baton Rouge Parish and Colton, California, a suburb of San Bernardino.

“Most of the controlled substances distributed by this drug trafficking network were shipped to addresses in Baton Rouge from individuals in California,” Gathe said.

The 13 defendants admitted involvement in a conspiracy to distribute the drugs between February 2017 and May 2019 at the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola and elsewhere, through the use of correctional officers and other prison staff, Gathe said.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation and the United States Postal Inspection Service led the investigation with help from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives; Louisiana Department of Corrections; Louisiana State Police; and the St. Francisville Police Department.

1 INMATE KILLED IN KNIFE FIGHT AT ANGOLA

An Angola inmate, who was given a life sentence after murdering another inmate, was killed in a prison fight Tuesday, according to officials.

The Louisiana Department of Corrections and the West Feliciana Parish Sheriff’s Office have launched a joint investigation into the death of Robert Clark Jr.

According to officials, correctional officers responded to an altercation between Clark and three other inmates around 10 a.m. Tuesday. The officers were able to regain control of the situation before prison medical staff immediately began treatment on Clark, and he died a short time later. 

Clark was serving a life sentence for the 2018 murder of Louisiana State Penitentiary inmate Dolan Franklin at the prison. Prior to the murder conviction, he was serving a 75-year sentence for armed robbery in Bossier Parish.

Possible criminal charges are pending the outcome of the investigation and the autopsy, which is set to take place this week.

Violence at Angola Prison in Louisiana

Angola Prison, officially known as Louisiana State Penitentiary, has long been plagued by issues of violence within its walls. With a notorious reputation for being the ”Bloodiest Prison In America”, Angola has faced scrutiny from various advocacy groups and civil rights organizations, and was under the hand of the United States District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana for almost 30 years.

Incidents of inmate-on-inmate violence, as well as allegations of excessive use of force by correctional officers, have raised serious concerns about the safety and well-being of individuals incarcerated at the facility, as well as staff. Despite efforts to address these issues, the prevalence of violence at Angola Prison continues to be a pressing issue that requires attention and reform to ensure the protection of all individuals within the prison’s walls.

Violence-prevention programs are a vital aspect of the rehabilitation efforts within the facility. Angola has implemented various initiatives aimed at addressing and reducing violence among inmates. These programs include conflict resolution workshops, anger management classes, mental health counseling services, and educational courses focused on empathy and communication skills. By providing inmates with resources and tools to better manage their emotions and conflicts, Angola Prison strives to create a safer environment for both inmates and staff while promoting a sense of personal growth and accountability.

As far as drugs, there are indeed drug counseling programs available to support incarcerated individuals struggling with substance abuse issues. These programs aim to provide education, counseling, and rehabilitation services to help prisoners address their addiction and work towards recovery.

While the emphasis and focus of security staff is on abstinence-based treatment and interdiction of contraband, as well as disciplinary control, Angola Prison also offers harm-reduction programs that focus on minimizing the negative consequences of drug use for those who may not be ready or able to stop using substances entirely. These harm-reduction initiatives include providing access to counseling, more progressive programs including the use of “drug dorms”, offering overdose prevention training, and promoting anti-drug use practices within the prison population. These programs play a crucial role in addressing the complex needs of individuals affected by substance abuse while incarcerated.

Stay informed about the efforts being made to ensure the integrity of our prison systems and the rights and well-being of all individuals involved. Stay tuned for updates on this case and other related developments in the realm of prison reform and civil rights advocacy.

And, now a shoutout to “our MAIN squeezes”, “LOVE WITHIN WALLS” podcast, who also operate a YouTube Channel, Facebook Group, and a merchandise line. It’s HOT, so get in there!

PRESENTED BY YOUR HOSTS PAIGE NICOLE AND GIGI TAYLOR !
LOVE WITHIN WALLS

LANDRY BRINGS DARKNESS HOME…

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BIG CHANGES COMING TO LOUISIANA….

Mar 12 

Written By William Kissinger

Louisiana last week adopted a grab bag of new laws, 37 in all, that double down on the state’s culture of incarceration and punishment. The bills were passed over a period of just nine days, during a special session called by Governor Jeff Landry, who won the office last year. Landry vowed in his inauguration speech to “bring an end to the misguided and deadly tolerance for crime and criminals,” even though the state already has the nation’s highest imprisonment rate.

We found that the state’s criminal justice reform advocates are gearing up for a significant growth in Louisiana’s incarcerated populations—people held pretrial as well as those sentenced and serving time. Among other things, the new laws effectively eliminate parole, vastly restrict “good time” credits, mandate prison time for technical violations of parole and probation, and move all 17-year old’s charged with a crime into the adult system.

“Of course it’s going to balloon the prison population. Every single time these kinds of laws go into play, the incarceration rate jumps,” said Lydia Pelot-Hobbs, a researcher who wrote a book on Louisiana’s history of incarceration. “That’s just basic math.” 

The laws are also likely to empower local sheriffs, and send more money into their coffers. Owing to a unique arrangement designed to address overcrowding, Louisiana’s local lock-ups house more than half of its state prisoner population in a system that runs on “per diem” payments from the state to local law enforcement in exchange for jailing people who have been sentenced to state prison. The payments this year will total $177 million. More prisoners means more money for sheriffs across the state—and likely future efforts to expand jails.

“Louisiana law enforcement agencies are uniquely invested in incarceration” because of the per-diem system, one advocate told Bolts. “They financially benefit from people who are being held in their jails without providing any of those programs or resources.” 

The U.S. prison population is rapidly getting grayer: The proportion of state and federal prisoners who are 55 or older is about five times what it was three decades ago. That’s largely because people are serving out longer sentences — and because people tend to age faster behind bars. Prison systems across the country, which are constitutionally obligated to provide adequate health care, are now grappling with how to pay for the equipment and staffing to meet their needs.

Even before his inauguration, Landry surrounded himself with industry heads and business leaders. He put oil lobbyists and executives at the helm of the Department of Energy and Natural Resources, formerly known as the Department of Natural Resources.

When a federal judge ordered lawmakers to create a second majority-Black congressional district, Landry added more than a dozen unrelated topics to his official call for the required special legislative session.

Though lawmakers didn’t give the governor everything he wanted then, they largely did in a special session on crime a month later.

Landry, previously Louisiana’s attorney general, made that session his top campaign issue. The session’s agenda included campaign promises such as longer jail terms, severely reduced opportunities for parole, and putting the state’s public defender system under the governor’s direct control.

And it’s only been two months.

The regular lawmaking session kicked off Monday, March 11, and must end no later than June 3.

More views on how the fear of crime, rational or not, has fueled a return to harsh criminal laws in some places. Add Tennessee and Vermont to the list of jurisdictions that plan to roll back justice reform measures, including rules to make police more accountable for cases of brutality and other misconduct, in the name of “public safety.” In Florida, for example, Republican lawmakers want to abolish civilian-run police review boards.

For decades, Louisiana had the nation’s highest rate of incarceration. And — given that the U.S. is among the most carceral countries on the planet — the state arguably spent some 20 years as the “prison capital” of the world.

Louisiana lost that distinction, by a hair, after a series of 2017 reforms successfully shrank the prison population by a third. (In recent years, it has jockeyed back and forth with a few states for the title.)

But “prison capital of the world” is a sobriquet the state is likely to regain after state legislators sent a suite of punitive changes to Gov. Jeff Landry’s desk this week. The new laws would end the possibility of parole for most new convictions and increase how much of a sentence a person must serve before being released for good behavior, from 35% of the sentence to 85%. The changes also do away with some of the tools local prosecutors had for undoing wrongful convictions, which are more common in Louisiana than in the rest of the U.S.

Criminal justice reform advocates have pushed back on the legislation, arguing that people released on parole are less likely to commit new crimes than those who serve full prison terms. In 2023, fewer than 400 people, or about 1% of the state’s prisoners, were granted parole. There’s also evidence that getting rid of parole, alongside time reductions for good behavior behind bars, makes prisons more dangerous by removing the incentives for people to pursue rehabilitative programming and avoid disciplinary violations.

Another new Louisiana law mandates that 17-year-olds accused of crimes be charged as adults, rather than in the juvenile justice system, reversing a 2017 reform that did the opposite. Proponents of the change say that the state’s youth jails became more volatile with the introduction of 17-year-olds. Critics note that the state already has mechanisms for transferring 17-year-olds accused of serious crimes into the adult system, so the change will mostly serve to criminalize teens charged with petty crimes.

The package of laws included other components that may not directly increase the prison population, but are designed to signal a “tough” approach to crime. This includes authorizing electrocution and nitrogen gas as execution methods, and making public the criminal records of minors accused of certain crimes. In total, the new suite of laws likely makes Louisiana the most punitive justice system in the nation, with harsher penalties than it had even before the bipartisan reforms passed in 2017. The new changes likely will bring a substantial cost to taxpayers.

Louisiana is not alone. Across the country, state legislatures are rapidly advancing punitive bills and rolling back criminal justice reforms, largely in response to fears about crime. In Georgia, Senate Bill 63 — which has passed the state Senate and House — would add 30 charges to the list of crimes that require judges to impose cash bail to release a person from jail pretrial. That list includes many minor and nonviolent crimes like shoplifting and forgery, if they’re not a first offense. The bill would effectively ban charitable bail funds in the state, in what some have interpreted as a direct attack on the “Stop Cop City” protest movement, which has relied on bail funds to get arrested activists out of jail.

In Kentucky, a similar measure to restrict charitable bail funds passed in the state House and is pending in the Senate. It’s part of a broader package that would also stiffen penalties for the sale of fentanyl and some gun crimes, and impose a life sentence without parole on anyone convicted of a violent offense for a third time. The bill would also create a new law against “unlawful camping,” an effort aimed at policing unhoused people.

Both Kentucky and Georgia have experienced serious issues with overcrowding and understaffing in jails and prisons in recent years, problems that the pending laws are likely to make worse.

This week the Washington, D.C., city council also passed a “massive” crime bill that, similarly, “puts the liberal city on a track toward harsher punishments for a range of crimes from illegal gun possession to retail theft,” according to The Washington Post. The new criminal code, which has increasingly become a political football in the nation’s capital, has to be approved by Congress to take permanent effect.

While they vary dramatically in scope and approach, punitive legislative efforts are also underway in Oregon, Tennessee, Vermont and elsewhere. As in Louisiana, many of these legislative efforts aim to undo reforms passed in recent years.

Aswad Thomas, the National Director for Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice, told me this week that some of these efforts also come as states cut resources “for victims to access healing and recovery services” and invest more in policing and incarceration. “That’s going to have a ripple effect on domestic violence victims, sexual assault victims, and victims of gun violence,” Thomas said.

For example, in Louisiana, the governor’s proposed budget — unveiled at the same time as the special session about crime — cuts $7 million in funding for domestic violence shelters in a state where more than half of all murdered women are killed by an intimate partner. “Every single person we are serving is a victim of crime,” the director of one shelter told the Louisiana Illuminator.

Louisiana expands death penalty, ends parole as Jeff Landry’s crime session ends

Major victory for Gov. Landry as most of his favored bills earn approval from Republican Legislature.

Louisiana death row prisoners could soon be executed with nitrogen gas and the electric chair under legislation given final approval by state lawmakers Thursday — part of a push by Republican Gov. Jeff Landry to toughen penalties for criminals and limit their opportunities for second chances.

The legislation, House Bill 6, headlined a whirlwind 10-day special session convened by Landry in a bid to fight crime. Lawmakers sent 19 other pieces of legislation to Landry’s desk Wednesday and Thursday, marking a victory in the governor’s effort to lurch the state’s policies to the political right by dismantling bipartisan justice system changes enacted in 2017.

“On behalf of countless citizens, victims, their families and the prosecutors who have labored for justice, I give you their thanks,” Landry told lawmakers who voted for his favored bills.

Those bills will have profound effects on the state’s courts and prisons: Landry, who took office last month, is set to sign legislation to eliminate parole for all adults who commit crimes after Aug. 1, slash prisoners’ chances at early release for good behavior, place 17-year-olds in the adult justice system and publicize a swath of youth court records, among over a dozen other measures.

The proposals faced withering criticism throughout the legislative process from Democrats, who argued that more punitive laws will do little to reduce crime — one of Landry’s stated goals for the session.

They tried repeatedly to water Landry’s bills down with a variety of amendments; most of those efforts failed.

“These new laws do nothing to prevent crime before it happens,” said Rep. Matthew Willard, D-New Orleans and chair of the House Democratic Caucus. “In fact, the bills passed will explode Louisiana’s prison population, increase recidivism and place an enormous burden on Louisiana taxpayers for generations to come.”

The GOP’s supermajorities in both the House and Senate powered almost all of Landry’s priorities through the legislative process intact. He will sign bills at ceremonies in Baton Rouge and New Orleans next Tuesday and Wednesday, said his press secretary, Kate Kelly.

Death penalty pushback

Silence enveloped the Senate chamber Thursday morning as Sen. Caleb Kleinpeter, R-Port Allen, presented the death penalty bill on behalf of its House sponsor, Rep. Nicholas Muscarello, R-Hammond. Besides growing the state’s list of approved execution methods, the legislation would seal records related to the procurement of lethal injection drugs.

Landry strode into the upper chamber and sat in the gallery with a group of victims’ loved ones — some of whom he shares personal bonds with. He watched the debate quietly then exited swiftly once the bill was approved, dodging reporters gathered outside the Senate.

Lawmakers of both parties invoked Scripture during the debate.

“Whoever sheds the blood of man, by man shall his blood be shed, for God made man in his own image,” said Sen. J. Adam Bass, R-Bossier City, reciting from the Book of Genesis. Moments later Sen. Joseph Bouie, D-New Orleans, walked to the mike and quoted the Sixth Commandment: “Thou shalt not kill.”

Louisiana last executed someone in 2010 when Gerald Bordelon chose to be put to death by lethal injection for the murder of 12-year-old Courtney LeBlanc. The state has since struggled to obtain lethal injection drugs, leaving 56 people currently held on death row. Louisiana’s last electric chair execution occurred in 1991. 

Faith organizations campaigned vigorously against the bill in the days before the Senate’s vote. Tom Costanza, director of the Louisiana Conference of Catholic Bishops, condemned the bill as running counter to the Catholic Church’s “pro-life” values.

Rabbi Phil Kaplan of Beth Israel in New Orleans said the bill “unmistakably and immediately evokes for millions of American Jews horrific memories of the depravities our ancestors endured at the hands of Nazi Germany, when lethal gas was used to mass murder our people.” And Sen. Royce Duplessis, D-New Orleans, evoked the Holocaust on the Senate floor as he proposed an amendment to remove nitrogen from the list of execution methods.

Members of the Legislative Black Caucus also rose to warn of the bill’s potential outsize effect on Black Louisianans, noting the state’s history of executing Black men only to later unearth evidence of their innocence.

Officials carried out the first-ever nitrogen hypoxia execution in Alabama last month. They pumped nitrogen gas into the mouth of convicted killer-for-hire Kenny Smith, depriving Smith of oxygen until he died, according to an interview with an eyewitness. Smith writhed and gasped for air and was pronounced dead after about 20 minutes.

But the discomfort felt by Smith in his final moments should not outweigh what Kleinpeter described as a need to mete out the ultimate punishment for those convicted of heinous crimes, Kleinpeter said.

“We made an oath to uphold the laws of our state,” Kleinpeter said. “Today we can honor these families and remove the hurdles so that justice may be served for the victims.”

Capital Appeals Project Director Cecelia Kappel, whose group represents death row prisoners, noted that the Senate’s vote was among the closest of the session as four Republicans defied Landry and voted against the bill. The Senate approved the legislation 24-15.

“Many legislators struggled to choose between their conscience and their political allegiances,” Kappel said. “And what this shows us is that Louisiana should not rush to start executing people by brutal methods. … This isn’t about whether we should have the death penalty, it’s about how far we’d go to kill a man.”

Early release, post-conviction relief pared back

A trio of major bills that aim at the heart of Louisiana’s bipartisan 2017 justice system overhaul also earned final approval Thursday. They will slash opportunities available to prisoners for early release and post-conviction sentencing reprieve.

Criminals will have fewer opportunities to appeal convictions after the Legislature gave final passage to House Bill 4, by Rep. Julie Emerson, R-Carencro. Republicans lined up in support while Democrats were opposed. The supporters said passage of the bill will limit “frivolous” lawsuits that gum up the legal system.

Critics, led by Duplessis, argued that HB 4 will make it harder for imprisoned people to win exoneration for crimes they didn’t commit when new evidence emerges years after a conviction.

House Bills 9 and 10, both sponsored by Rep. Debbie Villio, R-Kenner, also earned final approval from the Senate Thursday. HB9 would eliminate parole for everyone convicted of a crime after Aug. 1, while HB10 makes prisoners serve 85% of their sentences before they’re eligible for early release based on good behavior.

Villio, Landry and other supporters said the bills would create a more transparent sentencing system by forcing criminals to serve the precise number of years to which they’re sentenced.

They batted away opponents’ concerns that the legislation would hike jail populations and raise costs, saying they will work to educate judges about the need to adjust sentences. Legislative analysts estimate that HB9 will cost millions annually due to the likelihood it will inflate prison populations.

“Today is a great day in Louisiana,” Landry said in a statement.

I, for one, beg to differ. This presents a very dark day for Louisiana, indeed.

AUTHOR’S NOTE: Much of the information contained in this article came from the Marshall Project, and from NOLA.COM, and I am not copyrighting any of this information. I am providing it to you under the fair use doctrine.

SEXUAL ABUSE IN WOMEN’S PRISON INVESTIGATED

FBI removes prison officials as sexual abuse investigation ramps up. Federal law enforcement agents again searched a women’s prison in California known for rampant sexual abuse behind bars. More than a dozen FBI agents arrived at FCI-Dublin, about 20 miles east of Oakland, early Monday. They removed the warden, associate warden and a captain from the facility, and seized computers and documents in a clear escalation of a years-long investigation into one of the Bureau of Prisons’ most troubled penitentiaries. The probe has already resulted in charges against a former warden and other prison staff.

Louisiana ramping up for surge in prisons/solitary use

A recent Louisiana bill changes sentencing requirements for 17-year-olds, moving them out of the juvenile justice system and into the adult system. When in adult facilities, teenagers are uniquely vulnerable to physical and sexual abuse and federal law requires that they be separated from the adult population, which in practice often means placement in solitary confinement. The passing of Senate Bill 3 will result in a massive increase in the overall prison population in Louisiana and a heavy reliance on solitary for teens due to a lack of adequate housing.